I inquired [S what time it was] h. I think [S that the apple was eaten]. This information is recorded as follows in c-selectional frames. Note that ask can take either an NP or an S as a complement, so the options appear inside curly brackets to show that either option can fulfil the c-selectional requirements of this lexical item.
When a lexical item c-selects a prepositional phrase PP , it is often the case that the preposition must be specified. Consider the following adjectives, which optionally c-select a PP.
The c-selectional frames must be acquired for each lexical item. The second type of restriction to be aware of concerns restrictions on the semantic type of the argument. Such semantic features most commonly referred to include whether the entity is human or not, whether it is animate or not, whether it is concrete or not, etc.
In our. We refer to these restrictions as selectional restrictions. Such restrictions are also referred to generally as s-selection, where s stands for semantic. For instance, the lexical item kill selects an animate, living direct object, while the lexical item assassinate selects an animate, living, famous direct object. Notice that we are marking violations of s- selection as pragmatically ill-formed rather than grammatically ill-formed.
Whether s-selctional restrictions are simply part of our pragmatic knowledge or an actual part of grammar is an open question. John killed the mouse. John killed the house. John assassinated the President. John assassinated his neighbour. Another property that a lexical item can s-select is concreteness. We have seen that predicates place various selectional restrictions on their arguments. These restrictions are related to the kind of role the arguments play in the event depicted by the predicate.
For instance, in the sentence, John washed the dishes, John is purposefully bringing about the action of washing the dishes. However, in the sentence, John cried in the basement, John did not purposefully bring about the event of crying. Unless John is a actor in a play, we would normally understand John to have experienced the event of crying, rather than bringing it about. It turns out that these differences in interpretation are important linguistically.
First we will discuss the various possible roles that have been identified, then we will look at some examples. For each entry below, the thematic relation will be given in bold-face, followed by a brief description, and then some examples.
As such, only sentient beings can be agents. Kenji hit Arsalan. Kenji is an agent b. A falling rock hit Kenji.
A falling rock is not an agent. Note that only the potential for volition is required. We will see evidence later on that these verbs should be treated differently. Alan likes cookies. It seems to me that the words are mixed up. Jeremy saw the eclipse. Consider the following pairs of sentences. John looked at Mary. John saw Mary. John listened to the opera. John heard the opera. John tasted the stew to see if it needed more pepper.
John tastes something funny in the stew. While you can look at something on purpose or not, you have no choice as to what you see. Once the light rays reflecting off an object hit your retina and send the appropriate nervous signal to your brain, you see the object whether you like it or not.
Looking at something, on the other hand, requires a conscious decision. The same argument can be made for listen to and hear. Taste, on the other hand as with smell and feel is.
English simply does not have two lexical entries for these Icelandic is a member of forms as it does for the verbs in 10 a and 10 b. We will discuss Case more in Indo-European family. Be- Chapter 6; however, we will briefly mention a few core concepts here. Typically, a subject is marked with nominative cause of its geographic case and an object is marked with accusative case. Consider the following Icelandic and Hindi data, however see p. Siitaa-ko laRke pasand the. M like be. Notice that the subject in these examples is dative rather than nominative, and that the object is nominative rather than accusative.
This change in case morphology is typical in experiencer constructions. Sometimes this thematic relation is used inconsistently, but strictly speaking, it should only be used in the situations described here. Peter moved the TV into the living room.
Sue kept the book c. The children gave a book to Sue. The man stole a car. Susan rolled the log down the hill. The log rolled down the hill. Susan rolled down the hill. Susan rolled herself down the hill. This is the case in 13 b. The sentence in 13 c is ambiguous. If Susan is lying on a steep hill and falls asleep, she may start to roll down the hill. This is exactly the same as the situation in 13 b. This has the same meaning as in 13 d. Linguistically, there is very little difference between themes and patients.
So many people do not make the distinction. Nevertheless, we should be aware of the distinction. The dog bit the child. The arrow hit the apple. The president fired the treasurer. Alice shattered the mirror. The mirror shattered. In fact, she may be entirely unaware that she was even seen. This movement may be concrete, and in 15 a or abstract as in 15 b. Bettina went from Montreal to Toronto.
Bettina gave the highest mark to Mary. Again, this movement may be concrete or abstract. John went from Montreal to Toronto b. John gave the highest mark to Daniel. Annie stayed in New Orleans. Sara kept the old radio. Sara kept the old radio in her room. Miss Scarlet killed the victim in the kitchen with the lead pipe. It occurs with verbs denoting change in possession. They gave Bettina a new book. Melanie received flowers from Ken.
Milan stole the chocolates from the kitchen. Note that an instrument can be the subject of a sentence in English, but some languages do not allow instruments to appear as subjects. We cut the bread with a knife b. This key opens that door. Consider the following data. John broke the vase. The hammer broke the vase. The vase was broken by John. The vase was broken with a hammer. John broke the hammer with a vase. It is usually introduced by the preposition for. Note the contrast in the last two examples.
Matt washed the dishes for Eric. Alice fixed the toaster for Bill. Susan rolled down the hill for Johnny. Sometimes we speak metaphorically and say things like the bottle opened for me. What we mean is that the speaker mangaged to open the bottle.
As a general rule, we will not worry about metaphorical or poetic uses of language such as this. In 22 a. In this case, we have two options for the placement of Sue. Sue can appear inside a prepositional phrase for Sue as in example 22 b, or it can appear next to the verb, as in example 22 c.
I bought these flowers for Sue. I bought these flowers for Sue because it was her birthday. I bought Sue these flowers because it was her birthday. There is another reading available for 22 , however. Say Sue is in charge of buying flowers to decorate the office where she works. In this case, Sue is not the intended recipient of the flowers; she is a true benefactive.
True benefactives typically must appear in a prepositional phrase for most English speakers. Suzie saw the monster. The stories frightened the children. Recall that an argument may possess more than one thematic relation.
These thematic grids form part of the lexical entry of the verb. It states that the subject 1 is an agent and that the direct object 2 is a patient. Thus, the thematic grid for hand, as it is used here, is as follows:. What do we mean when a child learns a new word, or when a second language learner learns a new word? First off, let us say that the word is stored in something called the mental lexicon with some sort of phonological matrix that tells us what the pronunciation is and something that tells us what the word means.
The information stored with a lexical item in the mental lexicon is called its lexical entry. However, there is additional syntactic information contained in a lexical entry. Consider the difference in subcategorization frames as discussed at the beginning of this chapter.
I asked [S what time it was]. I asked [PP for [NP the time]]. I inquired [S what time it was]. We observe that ask can take either a full sentence as a complement or noun phrase.
Some speakers prefer a prepositional phrase instead. The verb wonder is different, however. It can take only a full sentence as a complement. Both of these verbs have roughly the same meaning. The salient difference, of course, is in the subcategorization frames. So, this information must be included as part of the lexical entry. Likewise, the selectional restrictions must be included in the lexical entry, too.
Finally, we must include the theta grid. The theta-grid tell us what arguments the lexical entry projects and what their theta roles are. Key Concepts c-selection Category selection. States the grammatical category of the arguments a lexical item takes. States the semantic features of the arguments a lexical item takes. This is where all the information of lexical items is language spoken in South- stored in the mind. It is a highly lexical entry The collection of idiosyncratic information about a lexical item that must be endangered language and stored in the mental lexicon.
Word order is gen- erally quite free in Oneida Further Reading since both subject and ob- ject agreement are marked Aitchison, J. It presupposes no specialized Oneida also exhibits a phe- nomenon known as noun knowledge of linguistics and offers suggestions for more advanced incorporation which you reading.
Baker, M. Aspects lays down much of the ground work of modern generative grammar and includes a discussion on lexical entries. Grimshaw, J. It pro- poses that arguments subjects, direct objects, indirect objects are ordered. Pesetsky, D. It focuses chiefly on Russian syntax, but makes universal claims about grammar.
Reinhart T. The discussion is complex at times, but some of the concepts should be acces- sible at this point. What are the c-selection and s-selction frames of the following lexical items?
Some example sentences are provided for the first three words. The children are eating. The children are dining on some apples. Note: The difference between first and third person does not play a roll here.
Japanese is a strict SOV language spoken by just a. Mary sent a letter to John. Mary sent John a letter. Japan and to a small extent c. Mary sent a letter to Paris. The genetic d. Some con- f. The first two sentences represent a phenomenon called dative shift, which we will discuss later.
According to the that Japanese and Korean data here, what does the availability of dative shift depend on?
Consider the following slightly simplified Japanese data and determine what restrictions on the linear order of ish and Mongolian. Do not worry about the Case and topic markers for this problem. Consider the following Blackfoot data taken from Frantz, Blackfoot has a rather complex verbal morphology that is not fully shown here. An unspecified subject has different agreement, which is not vital to this problem.
What thematic restriction appears to hold in Blackfoot based on this small set of examples? How is this restriction handled?
Verbs in Blackfoot agree with both subjects and objects, which is a common property of non- configurational languages see Interchapter C. You can read more about Al- gonquian languages in section The following examples from Yucatec Mayan spoken in Mexico and Belize illustrate this phenomenon:. It is an SVO lan- In 1a , the verb and the direct object are separate words.
In 1b , the noun has incorporated into the verb, forming a guage. Notice the meaning of the sentence changes slightly from 1a to 1b. Changes in meaning like this happen often, but not always, as we will see later.
Another example from Lahu illustrates the same point. Lahu is a Tibeto-Burman 2 a. Lahu is an SOV language. In 2a , where the NP is an independent word, there is some specific liquor to be drunk. The action in 2b , where noun-incorporation has taken place, refers to the generic act of drinking liquor. There are two kinds of noun-incorporation: Classifier noun-incorporation and compound noun-incorporation.
Classifier noun-incorporation does not affect the transitivity of the verb. In other words, if a verb has a subject and a direct object as in 3 , then the presence of an incorporated noun does not alter that 4. Examples 3 and 4 are drawn from Oneida an Iroquoian language, see p. Notice that the independent NP this pig in 4 must be a type of the incorporated noun animal in 4. For obvious reasons, one cannot replace pig in 4 with something that is not an animal.
For example, a direct object can appear language of the Austrone- either as a separate noun phrase 5 a or can be incorporated 5 b. However, unlike Oneida and other classifier noun- sian family.
It is spoken by incorporating languages the incorporated noun and the full direct object noun phrase cannot appear together 5 c. I pahn ihkos-e kikou ehu b. I pahn ihkos-likou Zealand. In Ponapean, the effect of noun-incorporation on transitivity is seen in the morphology. Some languages have a process known as pseudo noun incorporation. Consider the following Niuean data from Massam, You can read more about Niuean on page Ko e fanogonogo lologo a lautolu [Massam, , ex.
Ko e fanogonogo a lautolu ke he tau lologo [ibid. Here, the verb is italicized and the nouns are in bold-face. Niuean is VSO, so we can easily see the incorporated noun order in 6 a above.
Since in the basic order the subject appears between the verb and the object, we can tell the verb and the object form a unit in 6 a since the subject no longer intervenes. We will not concern ourselves with the technical details, however.
As with all the examples we have seen until now, the incorporated noun is a bare noun without any additional morphology or modifiers. Ne inu kofe kono a Mele [ibid. The fact that something larger than a bare noun can appear in these constructions is another reason why these are referred to as pseudo noun incorporation.
Does English have noun-incorporation? Not exactly as described here. However, a similar phenomenon is found in gerunds. A gerund in English is a nominalized form of a verb with an -ing suffix. Compare the following examples. John enjoys collecting stamps. John enjoys stamp-collecting. Note that the nominal part of the gerund in 8 b must be singular — i. This is like the other examples of noun incorporation above where the incorporated noun appears with less morphology.
These forms cannot be used as standard verbs, though. There are a few lexical exceptions that are backformations such as to babysit, but these are rare. Further Reading Baker, M. This book takes the stance that noun incorporation is purely syntactic rather than morphological. Students should complete at least Chapter 3, 6 and 7 before consulting this reference.
Barrie, M. This study adopts the theory of Antisymmetry, which we do not discuss thoroughly here, but is mentioned on page The discussion is not too highly technical and should be accessible to the reader at this point. Massam, D. Students are urged to complete Chapters 4 and 7 before tackling this paper; however, the description of the data at the beginning of the article is largely accessible at this point. For the most part, this paper should be accessible at this point, however the technical details may be out of reach.
Mithun, M. Much of the theoretical discussion will be acces- sible after completing Chapter 7; however, much of the description will be accessible after completing Chapter 3. In this chapter, we will motivate the structures that we assume for sentences so that we Some of his contributions can understand why we draw trees the way we do.
Consider the following syntactic tree: are the notion of categories noun, verb, and adjective and the division of a sen- 1 X tence into a subject and a wgo predicate. X dominates A as well as B written a complete grammar of Sanskrit comprising 3, and C. Domination is marked by the line starting from the bottom of X and going down to the top of A. X rules! X immediately dominates A, B and gories, as well as case p C, but X does not immediately dominate D and E — it only dominates them.
The relation of immediate domination He also discussed holds between two elements only if there are no elements intervening between the two elements. A, B and C are various kinds of com- sisters, as are D and E. C is the mother of D. D is the daughter of C. This structure also indicates hierarchical pounds.
The term dandva relationships among the elements. For instance, it shows that D and E behave as a unit that is called C here. A string of words that behave as a describe a two-headed unit is called a constituent.
In our hypothetical tree above, D and E form a constituent labelled C. Here are formal compound such as singer- definitions of these relations. We assume an the relation of dominance is an axiom. Although these definitions may be songwriter. Constituency is an important concept in any theory of syntax. A constituent is an isolable syntactic unit, which behaves as an independent entity. In the syntactic trees we are considering, a constituent is all and only the material dominated by a single node.
Recall that a node, X, exhaustively dominates a string, xyz, if xyz are all dominated by X and X dominates nothing else. These are most of the basic structural relations, although we will require one more later. We can represent this analysis as follows. We can consider this our null hypothesis since it has the least amount of structure. This analysis shows the linear order of the lexical items, but nothing more.
According to this tree, there are no constituents inside the sentence, although it indicates that the entire sentence is a constituent labelled S for sentence. Just thinking about the sentence intuitively for a moment, we suspect that the noun phrases the bright student and a tough exam are constituents. The tests for constituency will be presented in the next section; however, pre-empting this discussion, we note that the bright student can be replaced by a pronoun such as she, and a tough exam can be replaced by another pronoun, it.
This behaviour shows us that we want to represent these two noun phrases as units in our tree. So we revise the tree as follows:. Are there any other levels of hierarchy we can observe in this sentence? Looking at the tree, we see that the subject NP and the object NP are sisters.
This structure suggests that the subject and the object are symmetric. There are many subject-object asymmetries found in natural language, however. In the sentence John and Mary like each other the reference of the object each other is determined by the subject John and Mary.
Thus, when the object is a reciprocal pronoun, it can take its reference from the subject. We will discuss pronouns such as each other in considerable detail in Chapter Namely, when. This is our first subject-object Mohawk is an endangered asymmetry. That is, subjects can determine the reference of an object pronoun, but objects cannot determine the language spoken in North reference of a subject pronoun.
America in Ontario, Quebec The next asymmetry involves the various thematic roles we discussed from Chapter 2. There, theta grids were and New York State. It is an presented as part of the lexical entry of the verb, in which the verb assigned specific theta roles to their arguments. Iroquoian language. It turns out that the theta-role of subject often depends on verb and well known for possessing object together. In other words, the subject exhibits a thematic dependency on the verb and the direct object together Noun Incorporation Inter- as a unit.
Consider the following examples: chapter A and for exhibiting discourse configurationality Interchapter C. Baker 6 a. John caught the ball. John caught a cold. Mary threw a ball. Mary threw a fit.
There hawk and other polysynthet- are no examples, however, where the theta-role of object depends on verb and subject together.
Thus, the verb and the ic languages. For a descrip- object function together as a unit to the exclusion of the subject. There are many idioms are composed of grammar of Mohawk, you a verb and an object together.
Table lists several idioms from different languages. There are no idioms, however, that are composed of a subject and verb together to the exclusion of the object. Although these idioms include the subject. There are many other subject-object asymmetries. Some we will see in later discussions and others you will see if you undertake further studies of syntax.
Taken together, these asymmetries suggest that the verb and the object form a constituent to exclusion of the subject. We will now turn to some specific diagnostics or tests for constituency. In particular, we will adduce more evidence for the VP node. Recall example 7 from above. In this tree, the entire sentence is a constituent and so are the NP the bright student and the VP writing a tough exam.
First, we intuitively feel the NP the dog is a constituent, since it is a participant in the sentence. When asked, who is devouring the bone? Also, this NP can be replaced by a pronoun: It is devouring a bone. As for the VP, it might feel less intuitive that it forms a constituent; however, when asked the question, what is the dog doing? These preliminary observations lead us to suspect that the NP and VP are constituents, as the tree structure indicates.
Remember, since the dog is exhaustively dominated by NP and devouring a bone is exhaustively dominated by VP, these two strings of words are constituents, and should behave as such. On the other hand, the string the dog is devouring is not exhaustively dominated by a single node, so we do not expect this string of words to behave as a constituent in this example.
Thus we are led to believe that the string of words the dog is devouring is not a constituent, which is consistent with the structure in 7. This discussion has illustrated an important point that students often miss. As generative syntacticians, we are trying to develop a model of syntax that predicts how language behaves. Our model is the tree structures and the notion of representing constituency with exhaustive domination. We test the model against observed data and the results of the constituency diagnostics which are given in detail below.
If our model is accurate, then those strings of words that are acting as constituents according to the diagnostics should be exhaustively dominated by a single node.
In turn, we can look at our model to see which strings of words it predicts to behave as constituents. The tree in 7 predicts that the following are constituents:. So far, our model appears to represent the data faithfully.
We will continue to assume this basic model and adjust it from time to time to account for additional data that we uncover. We will now continue with various tests for constituency. The first test is often called the replacement test.
Many constituents can be replaced by pro-forms. The notion that a constituent can be replaced by a proform is called the Proform Criterion. If this test reveals no appropriate pro-form for the string of words being tested for constituency, you may wish to try some other tests, first.
So, while it is true that if a given string of words can be replaced by a preform it is a constituent, the converse is not necessarily true. That is, it is not necessarily the case that if a given string of words cannot be replaced by a proform it is not a constituent. NPs can be replaced by pronouns as in the following examples.
The King of France is replaced by he and chocolate mousse is replaced by it. Here, so replaces the string of words writing a tough exam, which means that this string of words must be a constituent and, thus, exhaustively dominated by a single node.
This provides further evidence for the structure in 7 above — namely where the string writing a tough exam, the verb and the object, form a constituent labelled VP, which does not include the subject or the auxiliary.
PPs can often be replaced with the adverbs there or then. Note that with is a tricky preposition, but PPs formed with with can sometimes be replaced by thus.
This is illustrated in the following examples. Terry peeled the potatoes in the kitchen. Terry peeled the potatoes there. Terry peeled the potatoes in the morning. Terry peeled the potatoes then. Terry peeled the potatoes with a knife. Terry peeled the potatoes thus. AdvPs can sometimes be replaced by thus, while AdjPs can sometimes be replaced by such for attributive AdjPs or thus for predicative AdjPs.
Here are some examples. Maria sings rather beautifully. Maria sings thus. Jones is very tall …and so is Mrs. We are now ready to practice with a few sentences. What are the appropriate pro-forms for the italicized strings of words in the following sentences? Answers are at the bottom of the next page.
The linguist from Calcutta discussed ergativity in Hindi. Arsalan crept into the basement. Jila looked up the phone number. Richard reads novels in the afternoon.
If a string of words can stand alone as a single utterance, then it is a constituent. Many but not all constituents are well-formed utterances by themselves. Who is writing a tough exam? What is the bright student writing? What is the bright student doing? The bright student is writing a tough exam.
Where is the student writing the exam? The auxiliary is is technically speaking a constituent, but cannot stand alone. Again, we must stress that not all constituents can stand alone, but all strings of words that can stand alone are constituents. Only constituents can be coordinated. This test works well for virtually all types of constituents, unlike some of the other diagnostics, which only work well for certain types of constituents.
John ate [[NP a cake] and [NP an apple pie]]. Mary went [[PP into the living-room] and [PP onto the couch]]. Minjoon [[VP ate an apple] and [VP drank some tea]]. A further property of coordination is that only constituents of the same category can be coordinated. Minsoo is a doctor. Minsoo is a singer. Minsoo is reading a book. Minsoo is drinking some tea.
Minsoo is a doctor and a singer. Minsoo is reading a book and drinking some tea. Observe that the coordination of two constituents of the same category is possible in 15 i. Note in passising that 12 a. The first is a book, and the second is a singer. See if you can convince yourself that this odd reading is grammatical. Until now, we have just been assuming that a verb and an object together form a verb phrase or VP, but why do we assume this?
Using the coordination test, we are in a better position to answer this question. Since only constituents of the same category can be conjoined, we can. Here is the test sentence. Substitute X for other phrases whose categories are not in question. Carlos is [[X] and [reading a book]]. Carlos is [[laughing] and [reading a book]].
Since the phrase laughing contains only one word, there is no doubt that it is a verb phrase. In this section, we consider diagnostics in which a string of words is placed in different locations within a sentence. We will start by analyzing some actual data. Consider two possible structures for the sentence John put the cake in the oven.
Note that the structures shown in this chapter will be revised in forthcoming chapters. For now, they will serve to illustrate how the movement tests work.
How do we choose between a. We see that the NP the cake and the PP in the oven do not form a single constituent in the a.
In the b. We will use the movement tests described below to determine the correct structure for this sentence. The first type of movement test we explore is called clefting. A clefted sentence has the following form, such that X is always a constituent.
There are some examples to the side in which the constituent in the X position is underlined. It was into the kitchen that Makiko walked. Let us use this test in the following two sentences to see if the underlined string of words are constituents or not. John likes the lamp in the living-room. John put the cake in the oven. To execute this test, we put the underlined string of words in the X position in the cleft.
This gives us the following results, showing us that the underlined string of words in the first sentence is a constituent, but not the underlined string of words in the second sentence.
This results of this test lead us to conclude that 17 a is the correct structure for the sentence in 19 b. It was the lamp in the living-room that John likes. Now, let us consider the following ambiguous sentence, with the two paraphrases given below.
The child had the binoculars, and Mary saw him. Mary used binoculars to see the child. Which child did Mary see? Who did Mary use the binoculars to see? Both of these questions can be answered by the statement in 21 , with the appropriate meanings as given. Now, let us consider the structures for this sentence that distinguish between these two meanings. First let us see what happens when we try to cleft the relevant parts of the sentence.
It was the child with binoculars that Mary saw. It was the child that Mary saw with binoculars. Here, we see that the range of possible meanings has changed. In 23 a, we only get the reading in 21 a; however, in 23 b, we only get the reading in 21 b.
Thus, in order to get the reading in 21 a, the string of words the child with binoculars must be a constituent. To get the reading in 21 b, we see that this string cannot form a constituent, otherwise 23 a would still be ambiguous.
Now we are in a position to draw the appropriate structures for the two readings of this sentence. Here, with binoculars modifies the VP, not the NP the child. So we get the meaning where Mary is using the binoculars to see the child. This is made clear in the following unambiguous paraphrases.
It was with binoculars that Mary saw the child. To get the meaning where the child has the binoculars as in the paraphrase, It was the child with binoculars that Mary saw , the sequence the child with binoculars must be a constituent. This is shown in the following structure, where the child with binoculars is exhaustively dominated by a single node, NP. Here, the child with binoculars is a constituent, so it is available for clefting.
Note that the child by itself is no longer a constituent, so it is not available for clefting. Pseudoclefting is another reliable test for constituenthood.
A pseudoclefted sentence has the following form, again such that X is always a constituent. A pseudocleft must select the appropriate wh-word question word — what for things, who for people, etc.
When a VP is pseudoclefted some form of the verb do is required. The boy is who Mary saw. Into the kitchen is where Makiko walked. Eat the apple is what Joshua did. The following sentence strongly favours the reading in which the string of words in the blue teapot is a single NP constituent. For now, ignore the alternative, rather bizarre reading in which Sandy was inside the teapot drinking tea.
Returning to the examples we were discussing above, again we have evidence that favours the structure in 17 a over that of of 17 b for the sentence in 19 b. The cake is what John put in the oven. Again, this test shows that the string of words the cake in the oven is not a constituent, while the shorter string the cake is.
Now for the ambiguous sentence we had above let us apply the pseudocleft test. In 29 a, the string of words the child has been pseudoclefted. This is possible with the structure in 24 , but not with the structure in This is because only in 24 is the child a constituent. As a consequence, 29 a can only mean that the binoculars were used to see the child. Conversely, in 29 b, the child with binoculars must be a constituent, which consistent only with the structure in These are the same results we saw with the clefting diagnostics above.
The child is what Mary saw with binoculars b. The child with binoculars is what Mary saw. We will look at passivization in more detail in Chapter 6. For now, let us concentrate on the main characteristics of passive constructions and how we can use them as constituency diagnostics. A passive construction is one in which what we conceptually understand to be the direct object of the sentence appears in the position of the subject.
Now, observe that only NPs can be passivized. Thus, if a string of words can be passivized, it is a constituent. But, if string of words cannot undergo passivization, it may still be a constituent, just not an NP. John bought a radio. Susan wrote on the paper. A radio was bought. In 30 a, the string of words a radio is the direct object of buy.
It is also an NP, and so can undergo passivization as in 30 b, where it appears as the subject of the sentence. The string of words on the paper is a constituent, too; however, it is a prepositional phrase discussed later not an NP and therefore cannot undergo passivization. The structure in 17 a predicts that the string of words the cake can undergo passivization, while the structure in 17 b predicts that the string of words the cake in the oven can undergo this process.
The results should be obvious now. The cake was put in the oven. As expected, the passivization test converges with the clefting and pseudoclefting test indicating that 17 a is the correct structure for this sentence.
This sentence can mean that the kitchen is the place where Mary ate the cookies, or it can mean that it was the cookies in the kitchen that Mary ate and not the cookies in the living-room, say. Consider, now, whether the following passivized sentence is ambiguous. Here, we only get the reading where in the kitchen modifies the cookies, not the eating.
That is, we get the reading that it was the cookies in the kitchen that Mary ate and not the cookies in the living-room. Thus, the string the cookies in the kitchen must be a constituent. With this much in mind, we can sketch a rough tree for this reading of the sentence. The main point here is that the string of N V NP g g ego words in red acts as a constituent and so must be rep- resented as such in the tree structure—namely, it must Mary ate Det N PP be exhaustively dominated by a single node.
In this structure the NP the cookies in the kitchen is a constituent and so is available for passivization. Convince yourself that this is the correct phrase structure for this reading by applying the other constituency tests above. Now, let us consider the reading where the kitchen is the location in which Mary ate the cookies. The passivized sentence above cannot have this reading. This tells us that the string of words the cookies in the kitchen does not form a constituent under this reading.
The following tree captures this fact. The string the cookies in the kitchen is not a single NP constituent. As such, this string of words cannot undergo passivization. The NP the cookies, of course, is available for passivization. At this point, you should be able to explain to someone why the passivized sentences above are not ambiguous, while the active sentence Mary ate the cookies in the kitchen is. Again, we will discuss the exact structures in more detail shortly.
The following discussion is intended more to illustrate how to apply the constituency diagnostics to a new situation. Consider the following example. Up until now, we assumed a flat structure to represent the verb phrase in a sentence such as this. We will start with a VP proform test in which we replace various strings within the VP with the proform so.
Consider the following test sentence. Here, so refers only to eat dessert. Let us now work through the stand alone test. What did John do? What did John do on Tuesday? What did John do in the garden on Tuesday? This test shows us that the strings of words in the right hand column above are all constituents.
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UV wavelength: nm. Rainbow printer colorful your life:Website: www. This uv printer a2 machine can print on rotary and flat material with all color, CMYK, White and Varnish printer at the same time.
The strong frame …. Package includes cabinet; manual, adjustable height stand; factory-installed UV light; and one set of armrests. The BSC must …. Safety lockout To protect from UV radiation, the optional UV light will not turn on if the front window is open.
While the UV light is on, the front window should remain closed. It can print on wood, ceramic, glass, metal etc We've our have sales staff, style and design staff, technical crew, QC team and package workforce. We've strict excellent control procedures for each system. The strong frame and smart design is the highlight of this A2 A3 UV printer machine.
I'M from Italy. Sep 30, Sep 29, How much is the printer and what is the dimensions of the printer and the weight. Feb 03, The keel of cj A2 uv printer is thicken aluminium profile to ensure the machine stable working.
Jucolor A2 uv printer with 3 pcs print heads so it's can print medias with CMYK lc,lm white and varnish inks one pass printing , Whether the customer needs gloss or embossing effect, it is perfectly presented. There are different types of fasteners such as the Uv A2 80 Bolt, nuts, washers, screws and threaded Tap to unmute. If playback doesn't begin shortly, try restarting your device.
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View Perform daily applications safely and efficiently with this simple-to-order package, which includes a cabinet, stand, pre-installed UV light and armrests. Request A Quote. Depth Metric Exterior. Dimensions L x W x H Exterior. Adjustable UV Light strength to coordinate different printing speed. Media Sensor. Autamatically detect material height.
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